Re: Michel Foucault--The Birth of the Clinic
看板EngTalk (全英文聊天)作者fizeau (Gratias ad Opus)時間18年前 (2008/01/20 17:51)推噓0(0推 0噓 0→)留言0則, 0人參與討論串14/17 (看更多)
Whether contagious or not, an epidemic has a sort of historical individuality,
hence the need to employ a complex method of observation when dealing with it.
Being a collective phenomenon, it requires a multiple gaze; a unique process,
it must be described in terms of its special, accidental, unexpected qualities.
The event must be described in detail, but it must also be described in accor-
dance with the coherence implied by multi-perception: being an imprecise form
of knowledge, insecurely based while ever partial, incapable of acceding of
itself to the essential or fundamental, it finds its own range only in the
cross-checking of viewpoints, in repeated, corrected information, which final-
ly circumscribes, where gazes meet, the individual, unique nucleus of these
collective phenomena. At the end of the eighteenth century, this form of ex-
perience was being institutionalized. In each subdelegation a physician and
several surgeons were appointed by the Intendant (provincial administrator)
to study those epidemics that might break out in their canton; they were in
constant correspondence with the chief physician of the generalite (treasury
subdivision of old France) concerning 'both th reigning disease and the medi-
cinal topography of their canton', and when four or five people succumbed to
the same disease, the syndic had to notify the subdelegate, who sent the phy-
sician to prescribe the treatment to be administered daily by the surgeons;
in more serious cases, the physician of the generalite visited the scene of
the outbreak himself [11].
But this experience could achieve full significance only if it was supple-
mented by constant, constricting intervention. A medicine of epidemics could
exist only if supplemented by a police: to supervise the location of mines
and cemeteries, to get as many corpses as possible cremated instead of buried,
to control the sale of bread, wine, and meat [12], to supervise the running
of abattoirs and dye works, and to prohibit unhealthy housing; after a detailed
study the whole country, a set of health regulations would have to be drawn
up that would be read 'at service or mass, every Sunday and holy day', and
which would explain how one should feed and dress oneself, how to avoid illness
, and how to prevent or cure prevailing diseases: 'These precepts would become
like prayers that even the most ignorant, even children, would learn to recite'
[13]. Lastly, a body of health inspectors would have to be set up that could
be 'sent out to the provinces, placing each one in charge of a particular
department'; there he would collect information about the various domains
related to medicine, as well as about physics, chemistry, natural history,
topography, and astronomy, would prescribe the measures to be taken, and would
supervise the work of the doctor. 'It is to be hoped that the state would pro-
vide for these physicians and spare them the expense that an inclination to
make useful discoveries entails' [14].
A medicine of eidemics is opposed at every point to a medicine of classes,
just as the collective perception of a phenomenon that is widespread but unique
and unrepeatable may be opposed to the individual perception of the identity
of an essence as constantly revealed in the multiplicity of phenomena. The
analysis of a series in the one case, the decipherment of a type in the other;
the integration of time in the case of epidemics, the determination of hier-
archical place in the case of the species; the attribution of a causality--
the search for an essential coherence, the subtle perception of a complex his-
torical and geographical space--the demarcation of a homogeneous surface in
which analogies can be read. And yet, in the final analysis, when it is a ques-
tion of these tertiary figures that must distribute the disease, medical ex-
perience and the doctor's supervision of social structures, the pathology of
epidemics and that of the species are confronted by the same requirements: the
definition of a political status for medicine and the constitution, at state
level, of a medical consciousness whose constant task would be to provide
information, supervision, and constraint, all of which 'relate as much to the
police as to the field of medicine proper' [15].
This was the origin of the Societe Royale de Medecine and its insuperable
conflict with the Faculte (the university authorities). In 1776, the government
decided to set up at Versailles a society for the study of the epidemic and
epizootic phenomena that had increased considerably in recent years. The pre-
cise occasion was a disease affecting livestock that had broken out in south-
eastern France, and which had forced the Controleur General des Finances to
order the killing off of all suspect animals; this led to a fairly serious
disruption of the regional economy. The decree of 29 April 1776 declares in
its preamble that epidemics are deadly and destructive at the outset only
because their character, being little known, leaves the doctor in uncertainty
as to the choice of treatment that should be applied; and this uncertainty
arises because so little has been done to study the different treatments used,
or to describe the symptoms of the different epidemics and the curative methods
that have been most successful.
The commission was to have a three-fold role: investigation, by keeping itself
informed of the various epidemic movements; elaboration, by comparing facts,
recording the treatments used, and organizing experiments; and supervision and
prescription, by informing the medical practitioners of the methods that seem
to be most suitable to a given situation. It was to be made up of eight doctors
: a directeur, entrusted with 'the correspondence concerning epidemic and epi-
zootic diseases' (de Lasson), a commissaire general, who would co-ordinate
the work of the provincial doctors (Vicq d'Azyr), and six doctors of the
Faculte, who would devote themselves to work on these same subjects. The
Controleur des Finances could send them out to the provinces to make inquiries
and ask them for reports. Lastly, Vicq d'Azyr was to give a course in human
and comparative anatomy to the other members of the commission, the doctors of
the Faculte, and 'those students who showed themselves to be worthy of it'
[16]. Thus a double check was set up: that of the political authorities over
the practice of medicine and that of a privileged medical body over the prac-
titioners as a whole.
The conflict with the Faculte broke out at once. In contemporary eyes, it was
a collision of two institutions, one modern and politically supported, the
other archaic and inward-looking. A partisan of the Faculte described their
opposition thus:
The one ancient, respectable for all manner of reasons and principally in the
eyes of the members of the society most of whom have been trained by it; the
other, a modern institution whose members have preferred to associate with
ministers of the Crown rather than with their own institutions, who have de-
serted the Assemblies of the Faculte to which the public good and their oaths
should kept them attached for a career of intrigue [17].
--
※ 發信站: 批踢踢實業坊(ptt.cc)
◆ From: 122.120.107.144
討論串 (同標題文章)
完整討論串 (本文為第 14 之 17 篇):
EngTalk 近期熱門文章
PTT職涯區 即時熱門文章
27
63
36
89